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Latina en Movimiento 2012-07-11 AmericaLatinaSao Paulo Forum: The mistaken summing-up by Atilio BoronValter Pomar |
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I have just received an e-mail from the
“Alai-amlatina” Information Service, which contains the article by Atilio A.
Boron titled “Summing up the Sao Paulo Forum in Caracas.
Boron was there, by invitation of the
Venezuelan sponsors, at the head table for the closing ceremonies of the
18th Conference of the Sao Paulo Forum. I do not know if he was
present at other Forums; I do not know if he participated at other moments in
the 18th Forum. What I do know is that his summing up is
mistaken.
I begin with the specific mistakes. Boron
says that, “it is hard to understand how the authorities of the FSP denied the
right to be heard – not just the entry of the Patriotic March as a political
organization affiliated to the Forum, in spite of all the support presented by
political parties inside and outside Colombia – to Senator Piedad
Cordoba.”
Indeed, if it were true, it would not be
comprehensible, but what Boron says is not true.
The Patriotic March applied for entry to the
Sao Paulo Forum through an e-mail sent the same week in which the
18th Conference of the Forum was held. The rules of the Forum, rules
which have permitted us to get to this point in one piece, establish that for an
organization to join, a consensus of all the national parties is required, and
then consensus in the Working Group and then the consensus of the Assembly of
the Forum.
In spite of good will on all sides, with the
application being made so late, it was not possible for all the Colombian
parties to respond in time if they were in agreement with the entry of the
Patriotic March. And without the explicit and formal support of the national
parties, where they exist, there is no way to approve the entry of a new
organization; whoever they might be, they have to have that
support.
Boron says that the authorities of the Forum
(who might these authorities be?) denied Piedad Cordoba the right to be heard.
My question is: through whom did she seek that right? And who might have denied
it? I hope that Boron replies.
Until then I can only say what I know and
what I saw, from the position of Executive Secretary of the Forum and
coordinator of several of the meetings which took place during the
18th Conference. And what I know and what I observed is that if she
had requested it, we would have given her the right to speak, as we did to
several other guests.
Boron speaks of “legalistic chicanery,
inadmissible in an entity which claims to be on the left, deprived us of hearing
her testimony, and did not pass unnoticed by President Chávez.” If what he says
were true, concerning having denied her the opportunity to be heard, it is
terrifying to see someone on the left writing something of this level, as though
Chávez were a vigilante or a night watchman, and Boron his messenger. Without a
doubt, Marxist erudition and appropriate behaviour are different
things.
Boron also says that “something similar
occurred with the Hondurans from Liberty and Refoundation (LIBRE), a party which
represents better than any other the resistance to the government of Porfirio
Lobo.” I simply do not understand what Boron means to say: what similar thing,
what exclusion is he speaking of?
For those who are not informed: during the
meeting of the Working Group of the Sao Paulo Forum, on July 3, the relationship
between LIBRE and the Sao Paulo Forum was discussed. Formally, those who form
part of the Forum are the Resistance Front. It was decided in the meeting of the
Working Group that, as soon as LIBRE applies to join the Forum, they will be
admitted, but that the request should be made by them, given that there are
sectors forming part of LIBRE which are not part of the Resistance Front. And
the fact is that LIBRE has not presented its request for admission to the office
of the Executive Secretary of the Forum.
On this basis, as much in the case of
Colombia as in the case of Honduras, Boron is at best misinformed. In both
cases, it would be useful if he followed the same advice he offers to the Forum:
a “fraternal in-depth discussion, without concessions, and safe from all
classes of bureaucratic blockages or formalisms which could asphyxiate it.” If
he had asked any of the “authorities of the Forum” (he must know who they are,
given that he cites them) he would have discovered that things did not happen as
he says.
My impression nevertheless, is that Boron is
more concerned with pontificating than investigating. Without taking into
account that he seems somewhat discontent with the success of the Forum, for
which motive he makes an effort to attribute the success of the 18th
Conference to everyone except the Forum itself.
Boron says that “The final results of the
conclave are, in a certain sense, positive, although in some respects there are
many things to improve as we will see in what follows. Positive, because the
multitude of parties and social movements that attended the event had the
opportunity to exchange opinions, compare experiences and participate in a rich
and needed reciprocal learning experience. Positive as well because, in the face
of the renowned ideological eclecticism of the forum – with the participation of
parties which could only be categorized as on the left with a show of the
imagination – the closing speech delivered by Comandante Chávez set out a new
agenda which the parties and organizations of the FSP should consider very
carefully in their upcoming meetings.”
The preceding phrases contain two examples of
circular reasoning, one incorrect and the other worse than that.
The circular reasoning is in the criticism
which Boron makes of “the renowned ideological eclecticism of the forum – with
the participation of parties which could only be categorized as on the left with
a show of the imagination.” Anyone who says this simply has not understood
anything concerning the motives for which the Forum has come to where it is, 22
years later. If the Forum were not “eclectic”, politically and ideologically, it
would be just one more of those rambling "internationals". In another sense, the
fact of being “eclectic” has not impeded the Forum from maintaining an
essentially correct attitude throughout two decades, which is enough time to
prove the consistency of certain ideas and initiatives.
And it was worse than incorrect to say that
Chávez had “set out a new agenda which the parties and organizations of the FSP
should consider very carefully in their upcoming meetings.” Personally, I agree
with some things and differ with others that Chávez said in the closing speech.
But it is simply false to say that he set out a new agenda. The themes which
Chávez touched on have been part of a debate in the Forum for a long time.
And that includes something that Boron attempts
to omit, which is the need to go “beyond the left”.
For example: Boron says that “beyond the
necessary criticism of neo-liberalism and its still heavy legacy, the problem is
capitalism; what has to be conquered and subverted is capitalism.” True, and so
much so that the Final Declaration of the 18th Conference speaks
directly of socialism; and that in an “eclectic” forum in which not everyone is
socialist!!
Therefore, it is ridiculous to say that this
would be one of the “principal theoretical weaknesses of the Caracas Declaration
approved by the FSP.” Weakness there would be, no doubt, if the final
Declaration had spent 99% of its time talking about socialism and no more than
1% outlining how to confront neo-liberal capitalism and imperialism. The
Declaration points to the fundamental political tasks for the period; without
taking them on, socialism, integration and the fight against neo-liberalism
would remain no more than rhetoric.
In fact Boron appears to have a negative
impression about the organizations which make up the Forum. According to his
caricature, we are parties that believe socialism will fall “from the sky like
some product of economic determinism, as Eduard Bernstein suggested at the end
of the nineteenth century, but rather through the intervention of a plural and
heterogeneous revolutionary subject.” Also according to his caricature, we are
organizations that would not know what to do the day after the 18th
Conference.
The caricature is so ridiculous, that Boron
takes care to attribute it to Chávez. I am left simply ashamed when I see
someone with such a long history as Boron, use this type of rhetorical expedient
to back up his positions.
If Boron were less ill-humoured with the
Forum, if he had a little of the tolerance which he preaches to others, if he
had asked the opinion of any of the members of the Working Group, he would have
discovered that one of our central concerns consists precisely in increasing our
organic quality. The problem is that this is easy to say but very hard to
do.
I do not know what practical experience Boron
has, as a leader of a political party. What I do know, from my experience in the
PT and the Sao Paulo Forum, is that we are not “cheerfully detached from the
decisive issue of organization.” In fact, the “decisive issue of organization”,
in an international and pluralistic institution like the Forum, is much more
complex than in a national organization. And further, those who talk of
organization are not always the most successful in organizational
terms.
Boron simplifies the problem so much, that he
comes to confuse the situations of the Sao Paulo Forum and the World Social
Forum [FSM]. The comparison between one and the other does not make the least
sense, and because in the FSM parties are prohibited and groups which are in
principle against the definition of political program priorities, have the
hegemony.
There are other things to say, concerning the
summing-up made by Boron.
Let us look at what he says about Haiti, for
example: “The declaration approved in Caracas condemns the coup attempts against
Evo Morales, Mel Zelaya, Rafael Correa and the most recent against Fernando
Lugo. It regrettably forgets to mention the coup perpetrated against
Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Haiti, in the year 2004. This is a serious failing
because the forgetfulness cannot be dissociated from the unfortunate presence of
troops from various Latin American countries – Brazil, Chile, Argentina, amongst
others – in Haiti, when what is really lacking in this suffering country are
doctors, nurses, teachers.”
Perhaps Boron does not know, but the final
declarations are drawn up by consensus in the meetings of the Working Group. In
these meetings at this 18th Conference, Haitian leaders participated
and presented a resolution concerning the situation in Haiti, which was approved
by the plenary. It is legitimate to debate whether this resolution and the
Declaration should have made reference to the overthrow of Aristide. But it is
bad faith to link the supposed forgetfulness to "the unfortunate presence of troops
from various Latin American countries – Brazil, Chile, Argentina, amongst
others”, omitting which are those others,
an omission (more than "forgetting") which serves to reinforce an insinuation
which Boron should explain, so that the debate can be clear.
So that I am not also accused of ill humour,
I recognize that Boron is right when he claims that we could have included in
the Declaration the demand for “closure of the military bases extending over all
of Latin America and the Caribbean." Nevertheless, the question (including its
Colombian developments) was widely discussed at various times during the Forum,
in a workshop and in a seminar. I recognize as well, that the phrase concerning
the limited achievements of the FTA’s, also makes for different
interpretations.
And finally, I agree that we live in a moment
in which moderation, “far from being a virtue, becomes a mortal sin”. And
further, I very much appreciate the recommendation of “audacity, audacity,
audacity”. That phrase having been spoken by Danton, proves that not all verbal
radicalism is consistent.
- Valter Pomar
National leader of the Workers Party and
executive secretary of the Sao Paulo Forum
Translated from the Spanish version into
English by Donald Lee, for ALAI.
10.julio.2012
http://alainet.org/active/56410
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