18th Meeting of the
Forum of São Paulo
Background Document
(This Background Document is not a draft resolution
and will not be submitted for approval in the 18th Meeting. Its only
purpose is to organize the issues under discussion and stimulate the debate.)
Chapter 1
Overview of the
International Situation
1. The facts essentially
confirm the assessment of the international crisis made by the Forum in its
last meetings. The international crisis is not just an economic crisis in its
strictest sense, but a systemic crisis of capitalism in its basic dimensions:
economic, social and political. It also includes the environmental and food
crisis.
2. The crisis in the
capitalist center (Europe, Japan and the United States) moves forward and
deepens. After the financial system meltdown, governments, mainly from southern
Europe, like Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, began having problems with
their public debts. Recession persists in the developed countries and will
probably linger for a long time: there is already talk of a lost decade for
some European countries. The direct impact of the recession on workers’ life
conditions is undeniable: rising unemployment, falling wages, the reduction of social
benefits and of retirement pensions. Its political impact is also evident, and
the governance crisis, which is already perceived, challenges the viability of
liberal democracy.
3. As a result, there is
a growing popular resistance to the crisis and the neoliberal policies,
resulting in the emergence of broad social movements in some countries such as
Europe and the United States. These movements, who call themselves “Indignants”
(“Indignados”) or “Occupy”, together with the mobilization of thousands of
workers from trade unions in countries like Greece, Portugal and Spain conform
the popular resistance to neoliberal policies. All this occurs amid a shift of
the world geopolitics. The weakening of U.S. hegemony and their yearning to
preserve it, relying on a warmongering strategy, contrasts with the growing
multipolarity embodied in the birth of CELAC, UNASUR and ALBA, while the BRIC
countries increase their global influence, as part of the displacement of the
worldwide power towards the South and the East. It should be added that the
crisis of the capitalist center is accompanied by an increasing aggressiveness
and by a desire to militarize various parts of the world.
4. Although the epicenter
of the crisis is still in the U.S., in early 2012 its most acute phase is
taking place in Europe, where there is a mixture of different phenomena. For
quite a long time now, there has been a need to consider European structural
economic stagnation. We have to take into account the neoliberal basis that
prevailed in the European unification and its implications on the weakest
states, which are legally unable to adopt countercyclical monetary and exchange
policies because of the rules of the single currency (the euro). Finally, we
have to contemplate the impact of the crisis on the European institutions which,
on the one hand, push nations towards conforming to certain policies and, on
the other hand, are unable to meet the challenges of the crisis.
5. Although the severity
of the crisis has manifested itself mostly in southern Europe (in the north of
Europe, we would have to include Ireland and Iceland), the stronger economies,
such as France, Germany and Great Britain, have also been affected by the
crisis, putting in suspense the whole European system. The viability of the
“euro” is being questioned and a thrill of great proportions is looming over
all the political institutions of the European Union.
6. All the forecasts for
2012 are negative: global growth will drop from about 4% to 3%, mainly due to
Europe, where there will be a -1.2% sharp contraction. In addition,
unemployment rates will keep on rising in this part of the world, particularly
in Greece, Portugal, Italy and Spain, so that social unrest will also continue
growing. The Eurozone has gone into a long economic crisis that has already
developed into a political crisis both within nation states as well as in the
European institutions. The elections that will take place in some European
countries, particularly in France and Greece, will hardly provide a solution to
the crisis. The trend seems to be that of an extended social and political
instability. In the case of the U.S., growth can also be slower this year than
in 2011. The political struggle for the presidency is an ingredient that will
not allow for major changes in the strategy against the crisis; in fact, it
could aggravate it.
7. In Europe the
situation is so serious that the dissolution of the EU or the abandonment of
the single currency by some countries is still being considered. If either of
these measures are taken, the economic impact on Europe and the world will be
very strong. Nevertheless, Europe will experience a prolonged period of low or
no growth, high unemployment rates, uncertainty and social and political
conflicts.
8. Germany's dominant
interests and the predominance of the financial capital have prevented the weakest
European countries from finding a solution to preserve people's interests. In
the U.S. the very timid proposals by the Obama administration have been
resisted by Congress, which is dominated by Republicans, and thus the
recessionary trends in the country have accentuated. But, most importantly,
priority has been given both in Europe and the United States to the interests
of the big financial capital. So what is happening in these regions of the
world is not only a threat to the rest of the Welfare State, but also to the
viability of representative democracy, of the sovereignty of nation states and
indeed of the survival of European institutions.
9. The rigorous reaction of the leadership of the
EU against the referendum
proposed by the previous Greek government is impressive and worth noting: the cradle of democracy rejects
the democratic right of people to decide about their future. Instead,
technocratic governments have been enforced in Greece and Italy, reflecting the
crisis being experienced by parliaments, parties and political institutions.
More recently, the German minister of finance defended the cancellation of
Greek elections to be held last April. The crisis in the richest capitalist
countries, where harsh measures against the rights of peoples are been taken
without listening to their voices and protests, shows the growing erosion of
the capitalist liberal democracy. It is possible to notice a sharp contrast
between this erosion and the fact that the rulers of these countries intend to
keep on playing the role of arbiters of the political situation in other parts
of the world. In Latin America, especially, they are still entitled to grant
certificates of good democratic behavior, thus revealing the hypocrisy and
double standards on the concept and practices of democracy.
10. In 2012 there will be
national elections (president, parliament) in several governments which are
members of the so-called G20. There are contradictory signals: while there is a
growing social unrest and mobilization against conservative policies, in some
cases there is also a growing electoral strength of the extreme right. It will
be important to watch the the results in 2012 European elections to measure the
progress of the extreme right in a region where this trend has experienced an
upward growth in recent years: the case of Hungary and the ruling party Fidesz
is an example. In Europe and the United States, right wing parties and other
governing political forces are increasingly racist, xenophobic and
authoritarian, which adds another point of concern to the stability of the
world.
11. We must also evaluate
the fact that, in some countries, significant left wing sectors remain
committed to neoliberal adjustment policies, while in other countries, where
they represent the opposition, they are struggling to build an alternative
program and organize the popular forces, since this is the only way to prevent
the current situation from being politically capitalized by the right and
extreme right forces.
12. The indignants and
occupy movements in Europe and the United States must not be overlooked. While
they do not represent an electoral alternative or a homogenous political front,
they became a political reference of resistance against neoliberalism and the
effects of the crisis. This is due precisely to the radicalization of the
right-wing and sometimes to the weakness of a partisan opposition which is
clearly separated from neoliberalism. The indignants have gained moral
authority and they are already a cultural symbol against the greed of financial
capitalism and the inability of governments to resolve the crisis. In some
cases, it is important to preserve spaces for reflection and anti-neoliberal
proposals in Europe and America. The Forum of São Paulo sympathizes with this
movement, inviting them to interact with parties and popular organizations that
question the neoliberal model.
13. The dynamics of the
crisis in Europe, U.S. and Japan weakens the hegemonic capacity of those who,
in the past two decades, set out to be the "guiding center" of the
world, and paves the way for a still-evolving geopolitical realignment, whose
outcome cannot be accurately predicted.
14. The shockwaves of the
crisis affect the rest of the countries, including China and the BRICs. China
and India will have a relatively lower growth in 2012, which will produce still
uncertain effects on other parts of the world, including Latin America. In the
long term, depending on how the crisis unfolds in Europe, the United States and
the so-called emerging countries, this could lead to three different
situations: a trend towards multipolarity, the constitution of a new hegemonic
center, or the maintenance of the old hegemonic center, having the U.S. as the
leader.
15. In this context, the
Forum of São Paulo should follow closely the evolution of the electoral and
political settings, as well as of the social mobilization, both in the EU
countries and the United States, and wherever possible engage in the
ideological debate over the alternatives to neoliberalism and capitalism,
particularly within the leftist context. It is also important that party
members of the Forum participate in the social mobilization against the crisis.
16. We must support the
efforts made by the European left-wing sectors to overthrow the neoliberal
paradigm and the limitations that characterize the initiatives introduced as
“technical”. In this respect, the Forum of São Paulo will continue to devote
energy to the European Regional Secretariat of the Forum of São Paulo. Hence,
it is important to discuss the role to be played by the party members of the
São Paulo Forum who live in countries hit by the crisis, which are consequently
scenarios of social mobilization, and especially the role of Latin American
immigrants. According to our experience in Latin America, we must contribute,
whenever possible, to the creation at the heart of the European left-wing
sector of a growing identification with the need to develop a transforming
strategy, which is a good way to prevent the current situation from being
politically capitalized by the extreme right forces.
17. We must deepen the
debate on the situation in the U.S. On the one hand, it is clear that the Obama
Administration continued the practice of military intervention. Security
policy, according to the President of the United States, must undergo
significant changes as announced on January 5, 2012. The identified priority
areas were now the Near East and Asia. In the latter case, it is about facing
China under a new approach of a long-term strategy that includes redefining
allies, military zones of control and various diplomatic actions. However, the
main focus of attention in the short term lies in the Middle East, and
particularly in Iran and the Strait of Hormuz. Also political changes and
instability in the Arab world (Syria, Libya and Egypt) continue to draw the
attention of U.S. and Israel.
18. For its part, the
policy for Latin America and the Caribbean has remained virtually unchanged:
blockade against Cuba was maintained, conditions for migrants have worsened,
and actions favoring Wall Street were taken. On the other hand, the Republican
Party continues radicalizing to the extreme right, of which the Tea Party is
one of the most visible expressions. We only need to look at the debate between
Republican candidates to learn about the level of fanaticism, primitivism and
ignorance that exists in the politics of the world's most powerful nation.
19. Unlike Europe, the
left does not have an outstanding electoral expression in the United States. In
this context, the Forum of São Paulo must continue its efforts to establish the
Regional Secretariat of the Forum of São Paulo in the United States. One of the
most important debates that we must follow will be the one that the Latin
American organizations will have to face as regards the orientation of the
Hispanic vote in the November elections, which will be very important and
complex, considering the impact that the potential policies of the Republican Party
would have on the left and progressive movement in Latin America.
20. The geopolitical shift
(North / South, West / East) and the rise of the BRICs
cause, among other reactions, may result in a greater temptation on the part of
the United States and its allies, particularly NATO, to opt for military
action. While Obama announced a $500 billion cut in defense spending over the
next decade, the budget is scheduled to be $662 billion, a figure similar to
the budgets of George Bush Administration and higher than the total military
spending of the ten most powerful countries in the world after USA.
21. At this moment, there
are strong threats of external military aggression by the United States and
Europe against Syria. This idea is supported, as in Libya, under the pretext of
humanitarian intervention. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the State of Israel
and powerful sectors of the United States have announced their intention to
bomb Iran and unleash a regional conflict with incalculable consequences for the
world.
22. Iran has the right to
use nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, as established by the agreement
signed between this country, Turkey and Brazil in May 2010. This cannot be a
reason to attack this country militarily.
23. The Latin American
left-wing sector support the defense of sovereignty and self-determination of
Syria and Iran, they strongly oppose any foreign military intervention and
believe that peace in the region and the world is at serious risk. Therefore,
they will make their best efforts to stop the war that is already being
prepared by the interests that drive the American war machine.
24. The Middle East, a
geostrategic region (for its oil and gas resources), is being recolonized by
the world's most powerful countries. This situation has exacerbated the
existing conflicts, and led to the emergence of new ones. The region is the
test area of an imperialist methodology that promotes regime change through
media campaigns which distort domestic situations and favor military intervention.
This model constitutes a threat to the progressive processes in Latin America
and the Caribbean.
25. Especially in countries
ruled by parties of the Forum, there is a need to strengthen the measures
favoring peace and solidarity with the peoples, in particular the recognition
of the State of Palestine by the UN. Peace and the need to create alternatives
to neoliberal capitalism must be key issues on the agenda of the Forum of São
Paulo. In this regard, the Forum will support and participate in the Thematic
Social Forum on Palestine on November 2012, in Porto Alegre (Brazil).
26. Along with the crisis,
concerns are intensified by environmental degradation, which will soon be
discussed at the Rio+20 Conference in Brazil. Using the flag of the so-called
“green economy”, developed countries, in practice, are against of peoples’
aspirations for sustainable development. Capitalism, in its imperialist phase,
wants to privatize the natural resources and control the sources of these
resources in developing countries. The natural resources of each country must
be defended as people’s assets.
27. The desire of giant
corporations and governments of the capitalist center to control the sources of
raw materials has led to strong social conflicts with indigenous peoples and
farmers as a consequence of water management, pollution and these companies'
revenue and profit concentration in the context of widespread poverty.
28. There is a debate on the
need for a sustainable and renewable economy, and on the need to abandon the
scheme of primary-exporting economies subject to world market. We reject the
way imperialism manipulates environmental issues for the purpose of preventing
the development of nations, especially, in Latin America.
29. In view of the nature
and depth of the crisis, it is likely that the coming decades will be dominated
by a prolonged period of instability, within a context of strong social,
political and military conflicts. This makes the unity and integration of Latin
American and Caribbean countries even more urgent and important, as well as the
debate over the nature of the changes we want to make in our region and over
the role of political parties, social movements and governments.
Chapter 2
Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean
30. Regarding the regional
situation, the following must be considered in detail: (a) the impacts of the
international crisis on the regional economy; (b) the evolution of the
political context, considering that there are different situations between the
South and the Central / North / Caribbean region.
31. In the
Central / North / Caribbean region, the United States
political and ideological influence, military presence, economic strength and
impact of its crisis can be felt more strongly, which have impacted negatively
on the exponential increase in poverty, social exclusion and violence in the
region.
32. The United States
promotes the militarization in the region by empowering armies to carry out
public security tasks. The real reason why they strengthen the military forces
is their own geopolitical interests. To justify the use of this strategy in the
region, they encourage the local armies to fight crime, organized crime, drug
trafficking, money laundering, etc. However, no action is taken in the United
States, which is the country of destination and the world's largest consumer of
illegal drugs.
33. Generally speaking, the
global crisis will have a negative effect on Latin America. In spite of this,
the predictions for 2012 are better for this part of the world than for Europe
or the United States, since the region expects a 3.3% growth. These predictions
may vary depending on the course of the global crisis, mainly in Europe.
However, given the economic dependence of many countries of the
Central / North / Caribbean region on the United States,
the impact will be more severe in this part of LATAM. It is estimated that
Mexico and Central America will grow 2.7% while South America will grow 3.6%.
Moreover, the political and ideological influence of the United States and its
military presence are also higher in this part of Latin America.
34. The security crisis and the
violence that has been observed in Mexico in recent years are the result of a
prolonged economic and social deterioration, of the corruption of Government
institutions and of the complicity of the international financial system with the
money laundering of organized crime. Various countries in the region,
particularly in Central America and Colombia, are affected by this situation.
Because of this, the progressive and leftist parties are facing serious
challenges that need to be discussed.
35. The possible victory
of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in the Mexican elections on 1 July 2012 has a
great importance as this would bring positive changes throughout the region,
and to Central America in the first place. The victory of the progressive and
leftist parties in Mexico will also strengthen the efforts towards Latin
American integration and independence from U.S. hegemony.
36. Moreover, Cuba, Haiti
and Puerto Rico conditions must be analyzed in detail in the 18th
Meeting.
37. The Latin American
left pays great attention to Cuba, for what it represents historically and for
the importance that the successful process of economic renovation will have in
Cuba, renovation through which its people expect to consolidate the socialist
road. Pressured by the still extant U.S. economic embargo, it is
urgent to strengthen cooperation with the island, just like the governments of
Brazil and Venezuela do. It is equally important to struggle against the U.S.
embargo and for the release of the Five Heroes.
38. The struggle for the
decolonization of Puerto Rico shouldn't be abandoned, and there is a need to
supervise the humanitarian crisis that Haiti is going through, as well as the
approach of its government to the progressive and leftist political forces on
the continent.
39. In the South region,
there is less U.S political and ideological influence. However, there is an
increase in the imperialist military presence: the settlement of U.S. military
bases in Colombia, the presence of the Fourth Fleet and the militarization of
the dispute over the Islas Malvinas' (Falkland Islands) sovereignty with the
introduction of nuclear weapons are a proof of this.
40. Economic dependence in the
Southern region is not as big. Changes in the macroeconomic policy that
strengthen domestic and regional markets, and growth in exports and sustained
increase in the price of commodities are among the factors behind the positive
economic environment that has allowed the leftist and progressive sectors to
rule in this sub-region of our continent. However, in 2012, this region will
also suffer from the negative effects of the fall in world growth. Compared to
recent years, there will be larger difficulties concerning the development of
social programs, the improvement of employment and the living standards of its
peoples.
41. The 18th
Meeting must make a detailed analysis of the South American situation, in the context
of a deeper discussion about how the Latin American left must face the crisis.
42. The United States
maintains its military and economic presence in the Andean region, particularly
in Colombia, where there is a struggle for a political solution to the armed
conflict, peace with social justice and a new economic and social model that
reduces inequities and guarantees human and nature rights. The persistence of
the Colombian war is one of the obstacles in the struggle to achieve Latin
American unity and integration.
43. The US meddling and
influence can be felt in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela through several
attempts at influencing the Venezuelan election, promoting undemocratic outcomes
to the October 2012 election. For the Venezuelan and continental left sectors,
the reelection of Commander Hugo Chávez in the October 7, 2012 elections is central.
44. The success of
Governments which are driven / integrated / supported by the Latin American left
grouped at the Forum of São Paulo will depend increasingly on the right
combination of regional integration, national sovereignty, strengthening of the
State, economic development focused on the domestic market, building of popular
power, creation of growing areas for a direct popular management of the
economy, creation of new political models characterized by increasing popular
participation in public affairs and the struggle for peace. In these contexts,
it will become increasingly possible and necessary not only to confront the
crisis and overcome the neoliberal model, but also to discuss alternatives to
capitalism and the ways to socialism.
45. The global crisis and
geopolitical changes in the global power relations will further complicate the
definition of a political line by the parties of the Forum of São Paulo. In the
case of parties that hold a position in the government, economic management
will become more difficult: the conditions for faster growth will be
diminished; in this regard, the relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of people’s living conditions should also be discussed. We must
therefore emphasize the urgent need to implement alternative policies at both
national and multinational level, particularly among Latin American countries.
The long-term success of these alternative policies is the best way to cope
with the onslaught of the right in each country, which create internal and
external political tensions in an attempt to constrain, co-opt and defeat the
progressive and leftist governments.
46. The creation of the
Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) last December in
Caracas, Venezuela, is an important event from the historical point of view.
The integration of Latin America and the Caribbean is growing with the
deepening of the convergence of the ALBA, MERCOSUR and UNASUR processes and of
other similar ones.
47. The joint integration
project must ensure economic and social development, democratization and
national sovereignty, together with continental sovereignty and
anti-imperialism. A joint integration should be characterized by the avoidance
of differences and inequalities between countries and by the promotion of
solidarity, cooperation and reciprocity within the region.
48. In particular, the
current crisis may deepen the Latin American and Caribbean integration, from
different areas of convergence. Regarding the crisis, it is important to
articulate, through integration, mechanism and policies for the protection and
expansion of industry, for scientific and technological development, and for
the employment and domestic markets.
49. The crisis may
negatively impact the political context of the Latin America left. On the one
hand, it may cause uneasiness among large sectors of the population which
naturally focus on the parties in government and, on the other hand, it may
stimulate right-wing trends or anti-party and anti-election sentiments. Hence,
it is important to analyze which line to follow (depending on each regional
reality) to prevent the ruling left from paying the political cost of the
crisis of a system, whose replacement by a new and higher one constitutes the
rationale of the left. For this reason, it is crucial to build popular power
before and after electoral victories.
50. The U.S. empire is
working hard to break Latin American sovereign unity and promotes alternative
projects, such as the Pacific Alliance between Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile
with the United States, the Alliance for Development and the Partnership for
Growth.
51. Efforts are being made
to prevent that the global political realignment should lead to conflicts
between the progressive governments in the region as regards foreign policy.
The relationships with the United States and Europe, as well as with countries
in conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East can be evaluated
differently. Therefore, our role as political parties is to take action so
that, facing the global political realignment, our governments can react with
greater unity and cohesion, especially in foreign policy.
52. For this reason the
unity of the Forum of São Paulo should be strengthened in 2012 and in the
coming years. The key to consolidate this unity will be our ability to work
towards the political integration of Latin America, while deepening the debate
in a context of tolerance and recognition of the ideological and political
diversity of the Latin American left.
Chapter 3
Roadmap
53. The 18th
Meeting of the Forum of São Paulo will analyze integration processes, with an emphasis
on the CELAC. Besides, the Action Plan, which includes the following points,
will be updated:
54. To keep and expand the
conquered areas, particularly, the national governments.
55. To continue fighting
to defeat the right where it rules.
56. To intensify the
changes where we rule.
57. To strengthen the
process of unity and regional integration.
58. To defeat the
counterattack by imperialism and the right.
59. To support and broaden
social struggles.
60. To advance towards a
political and peaceful solution to the situation in Colombia.
61. To support the efforts
of the progressive, democratic and leftist sectors in Honduras.
62. To review the Haiti
case.
63. To show solidarity
with the presidential nomination of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico.
64. To show solidarity
with the candidate Hugo Chávez in Venezuela.
65. To reaffirm our
commitment to the cause of decolonization, self-determination and independence,
unity and integration of our peoples. To highlight the cases of Puerto Rico,
Islas Malvinas (Falklands Islands) and other British colonies in the South
Atlantic, French Guyana, Martinique and Guadalupe.
66. To strengthen the
European Secretariat of the Forum of São Paulo and expand our links with
different sectors of the European left, particularly, with parties and anti-neoliberal
resistance movements.
67. To create the U.S.
Secretariat of the Forum of São Paulo and strengthen our ties with resistance
movements in the U.S., particularly with movements in defense of migrants and
of resistance against the crisis, such as the so-called “occupy” movement.
68. To expand our dialogue
with the left parties in Africa.
69. To strengthen our
struggle for peace, against external interference and for solidarity with the
fighting peoples, beginning with Palestine.
70. To expand the level of
dialogue and agreements with the parties from China, Russia, India and South
Africa.
71. To expand the drafting
capacity of Latin American and Caribbean leftist parties, adopting a positive
attitude as regards central themes and highlights; also deepening the debate
about the direction of social change, its nature and its short, medium and
long-term goals, the alternatives to neoliberalism and capitalism, the role of
the different regional expressions of unity and integration.
72. To improve the organic
functioning of the Forum of São Paulo by strengthening the coordination
mechanisms to guide the debate, coordinate positions and propagate them more
and more at a regional and global level, and to achieve increased cooperation
in terms of concrete actions undertaken by its member parties.
